Bar Italia - #11/2025
Ten Sips of Italian Politics
Welcome to the latest issue of Bar Italia!
Bar Italia is the newsletter for those interested in Italy and Italian politics but looking for a broader, less detailed overview than The Italian Compass. If you’re curious about why this newsletter is titled “Bar Italia” and how it’s structured, I invite you to read the introduction to the inaugural issue.
If you’d like to discuss any of the topics covered in this issue, feel free to reach out via email by clicking here.
Hope you find it interesting!
Dario
Bar Italia - #11
On June 3, 2025, Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni hosted French President Emmanuel Macron at Palazzo Chigi in Rome for a nearly four-hour bilateral meeting, following months of strained ties and problematic communication. The discussions focused on strengthening support for Ukraine, addressing trade tensions, and exploring European alternatives to Elon Musk’s satellite technologies. Both leaders also emphasized the need for a more cohesive European approach to security and competitiveness. In different ways, they also share concerns about the future direction of U.S. foreign policy under President Trump. Meloni remains a major ally - if not the best ally – of Trump’s in Europe, but the tycoon unpredictability is making her role as a “geopolitical bridge” harder to sustain than originally thought (see Deep Dive - Meloni’s Transatlantic Bridge: Fragile, but Still Standing). Meloni and Macron understand that they must find common ground despite their structural differences—particularly within Europe—because failure to do so would harm both countries and the EU as a whole. This meeting thus marked a first step toward putting relations back on the right track.
Today and tomorrow—June 8–9, 2025—Italians will vote in a referendum that includes four labor-related questions proposed by the Confederazione Generale Italiana del Lavoro (CGIL) and a fifth question regarding citizenship laws. Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni has stated that she will go to the polls but will not collect her ballot—a decision that means her presence will not count toward the voter turnout required for the referendums to be valid. Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani also said he will abstain from voting altogether to avoid contributing to the quorum. Infrastructure Minister Matteo Salvini, on the other hand, plans to be abroad during the vote. The opposition is mobilizing cultural and religious figures to encourage voter participation. Maurizio Landini, the CGIL leader and main promoter of the referendum (who has been everywhere on TV over the past few days), remains optimistic about meeting the quorum, which appears to be the central political concern.
My bet? Although the discussion on the referendums has gained momentum over the past few days, it is extremely unlikely that the quorum will be reached. Under normal circumstances, with a vote scheduled for early June and no other elections to drive turnout, reaching the threshold would already be difficult. In the current situation, it’s even more so, particularly given the national meltdown about the crisis of the national football (soccer) movement. The main topics of this weekend are: the risk of missing a third consecutive World Cup, whether Luciano Spalletti should resign (the Gazzetta dello Sport has already given its sentence) and who would be better as the new Italian manager between Claudio Ranieri, Stefano Pioli, or Ted Lasso (my suggestion I know, but remember I also suggested that Massimo Ambrosetti could be Italy’s next Ambassador to D.C. when no one did and look where we are now…). It may sound absurd to non-Italian readers, but trust me: at the moment, the country’s entire public discourse—and its emotional bandwidth—is monopolized by this collective football psychodrama. La Nazionale è un Dramma Nazionale! (The National Team is a National Drama).
Could Ted Lasso - if appointed - save Italy’s football (soccer) movement? And, by extension, Italy as a nation as well? (Credits: Courtesy of Chat GPT) However, the opposition knows exactly what it wants and, above all, what the country wants to hear. Speaking about the referendums, Senator Francesco Boccia—president of the Partito Democratico (PD) group in the Senate and husband of former Forza Italia’s minister and MP Nunzia De Girolamo—said during an interview on Calibro 8 on Radio Cusano Campus with Francesco Borgonovo: “Prime Minister Meloni received 12.3 million votes in the elections. If 12.4 million people were to vote in the referendum, it would be an eviction notice for the Prime Minister.” LOL. Yes, he actually said that. Speaking with Borgonovo on Radio Cusano Campus. (I mean, do you know who Borgonovo is and what Radio Cusano Campus is? And, above all, who is the owner of Radio Cusano Campus?)
Now you get why Meloni can basically do whatever she wants—because the opposition parties, especially certain so-called leaders, are her best allies. Boccia is one of the main representatives of what I usually describe in my casual chats with friends as Italy’s Neo-Dadaist movement, a movement that—I admit—so far exists only in my head. But I’d be happy to explain in more detail what I mean by it to anyone interested. I can empirically prove that this movement de facto exists, and Boccia is not its only leader. The other major representatives are Dario Franceschini and Giuseppe Conte.
Fratelli d’Italia has reopened the discussion on the controversial issue of allowing a potential third term for regional governors, shifting its previous stance. Giovanni Donzelli has indicated a willingness to consider the possibility of a third electoral mandate for regional leaders. This change could benefit governors like Luca Zaia and Vincenzo De Luca, who were previously considered out of the running. The proposal has received mixed reactions from coalition partners in the center-right bloc. Forza Italia remains cautious about changing the two-term limit, while the Lega has expressed support. Matteo Salvini urged quick decisions on candidates for several regions, stressing the importance of acting fast. He highlighted Zaia’s popularity and the success of his governance in Veneto, arguing that maintaining the current leadership model would be beneficial. For Salvini, this is an unexpected gift, as Zaia’s potential discontent might have been difficult to manage within the party. Zaia, for his part, emphasized the need for common sense when considering a third mandate. Opposition figures criticized the move, as it may also pose challenges for the center-left coalition, particularly in Campania. De Luca immediately praised Giorgia Meloni’s political intelligence, adding that “if she wants, she can do the law immediately.” The PD leader, Elly Schlein, is—euphemistically—against De Luca running for another term, even if the two met and shook hands yesterday (aware that they need to talk now).
If he is allowed to run without being the official PD candidate, he will run 99% on his own. While I think his electoral strength in Campania is generally overestimated—yes, he’s extremely strong in Salerno, but in what is known as the Città Metropolitana di Napoli (essentially, the so-called Greater Naples, where most of Campania’s population live), he can’t do much on his own if he leaves the PD. Still, even if he doesn’t have enough support to win independently, he could destroy the center-left coalition’s chances of victory.
The Italian Senate has approved the so-called “Decreto Sicurezza” (Security Decree) with a vote of 109 to 69, amid significant protests from opposition senators, who staged a sit-in to express their dissent against the government's expedited legislative process and the perceived repressive nature of the law.
The decree introduces 14 new crimes and nine additional aggravating factors, significantly amending Italy’s penal code. It addresses issues such as passive resistance, imposes stricter regulations on cannabis, and includes new provisions for incarcerated mothers, while also increasing penalties for various offenses related to public safety and protests.
Many have criticized the decree as a populist measure. Interior Minister Matteo Piantedosi, however, argued that there is strong public support for it, emphasizing that citizens see safety as a prerequisite for freedom—not as a step toward a police state. The decree also expands legal protections for intelligence agents, allowing them to engage in certain criminal activities related to counter-terrorism under strict conditions. However, it does not grant the sweeping powers claimed by critics such as Laura Boldrini and Matteo Renzi, who warned that it could pave the way for state-sponsored terrorism. Many commentators say the decree reflects the current majority’s obsession with “law and order.” I’d rather say it’s simply the Right being the Right. Meaning: what else would you expect, at least rhetorically, from a right-center/center-right government (call it as you like) led by the heirs of the Movimento Sociale Italiano? We can certainly debate whether these measures will be effective or make sense in practice. But Meloni and her government are doing what they were elected to do.
The Italian government has finally approved the acquisition of Piaggio Aerospace by Turkish drone manufacturer Baykar, which plans to restructure the company and produce its AKINCI drones at Piaggio’s facilities in Liguria. The deal also opens the door for collaboration with Leonardo, which signed a memorandum of understanding with Baykar last March to co-develop next-generation unmanned aerial systems. Türkiye is also eyeing potential involvement in the EU’s €150 billion SAFE defense initiative, which aims to enhance European defense capabilities and reduce reliance on NATO. Greek Defense Minister Nikos Dendias voiced Athens’s strong objections to both the Baykar–Piaggio acquisition and Türkiye’s potential participation in the SAFE fund. Dendias, who is usually a little bit too dramatic on Türkiye (it must be said), warned that this participation could jeopardize EU integrity and called for stringent conditions on Ankara’s involvement. However, returning to Italy, I find it mind-blowing that a right-center government such as the one led by Giorgia Meloni is promoting such an in-depth, strategic relationship between Rome and Ankara—particularly on defense issues. I’d be very curious to hear what Fratelli d’Italia and the Lega would have said if a center-left or left-center government had struck such a deal with Türkiye, authorizing the sale of Piaggio Aereospace. My guess? They would have shouted “We’re helping them to prepare to do another 1480, this time with drones!!!” (If you have no clue about what happened in 1480, check this. Otranto people still talk about this…)
At a conference held in Florence on June 3, 2025, focused on enhancing economic and commercial partnerships between Italy and Guatemala, Italy’s Foreign Ministry Undersecretary Giorgio Silli highlighted the importance of collaboration in technology and investment amid current geopolitical challenges, speaking alongside Guatemalan Vice Minister of Economy Héctor José Marroquín. According to ANSA Latina, during the event Silli stated that relations with Latin America are “a priority” for the current government, and he announced that the 12th Italy–Latin America and Caribbean Conference will take place in Rome on October 7, 2025. However, despite Silli’s commendable efforts to place Latin America and the Caribbean—more the latter than the former, to be fair—on the map of Italian foreign policy, the region is by no means a priority for this government. The reasons are numerous: among (many) others, lack of financial and human resources; a stronger presence of other European players; limited political interests by many in the government. This is somewhat surprising, though, considering that Latin America was historically a major area of foreign policy interest for Italy’s right-wing parties and figures. Poor Mirko Tremaglia—he must be turning in his grave.
Latin America, these days, is indeed a complicated area for Italy. In Venezuela, aid worker Alberto Trentini has been detained for months without charges. Meanwhile, nearly five years after the tragic death of Italian UN worker Mario Paciolla in San Vicente del Caguán, Colombia (July 15, 2020), the case is once again drawing public attention. The Partito Democratico has submitted a new parliamentary inquiry to Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani, questioning the official suicide narrative and urging further investigation into potential institutional responsibilities. According to the United Nations, the 31-year-old Neapolitan man died by suicide. But for his family and legal team, Mario was killed because he had uncovered crimes and the responsibilities of members of the UN mission in Colombia. Recently, new elements have emerged in the case. On May 13, the Foqus Foundation in Naples hosted the premiere screening of Fanpage’s video investigation into Paciolla’s final days. The documentary reconstructed, for the first time, one of the darkest episodes surrounding his death: the UN Mission meeting of July 10, 2020. After that meeting, Paciolla reportedly told others he feared for his life and quickly booked a return flight to Italy, cutting short his assignment in Colombia. Solving these cases is not only a humanitarian and judicial necessity, but could also help Italy strengthen its diplomatic status in the region.
UniCredit has decided to withdraw its request for a suspension related to the Golden Power decree. This decision aims at fostering a more constructive dialogue with the government over its acquisition of Banco BPM, despite the ongoing disputes and uncertainties surrounding regulatory frameworks.
The recent changes to Italian citizenship law have resulted in a halt to the registration of newborns born to Italian parents abroad, leaving many children without citizenship rights as the government awaits the implementation of new regulations. A typical Italian move: making changes without thoroughly assessing all the consequences, triggering pure ammuina (chaos, but in Neapolitan sounds better).
The demiurge of the most acute populist phase in Italy’s history, Beppe Grillo, is preparing to initiate legal action to reclaim ownership of the Movimento 5 Stelle (M5S) symbol, following his removal from the movement and recent changes that eliminated his role as guarantor.
This is yet another chapter in the saga of Grillo versus l’Avvocato del Popolo—“The People’s Lawyer”—Giuseppe Conte. When Conte rose through the M5S ranks, the leadership thought he could be easily manipulated and controlled. Mmmm, think he was not! Still, who would have thought that Grillo suing Conte would end up being the final outcome of that famous joke Grillo made back in 1986 against Bettino Craxi and il Partito Socialista (PSI - the Italian Socialist Party) during Pippo Baudo’s Fantastico—the very moment that allegedly got him kicked out by RAI, and, some say, where it all began? Fantastico! (Beppe Grillo actually returned to RAI for Sanremo 1989, he usually tends to omit this little detail…).
Let me also attach the video of Fantastico’s opening theme, for those of you curious about discovering more about Italian pop culture. And yes, one of the singers is Lorella Cuccarini, these days considered close to right-wing parties, namely La Lega. Ah, Beppe, Lorella. Pippo Baudo has always had an eye for talent!
See also…
Politica Estera - Deep Dive - Meloni’s Transatlantic Bridge: Fragile, but Still Standing
Politica Estera - Deep Dive - The Race for Villa Firenze: Who Will Be Italy’s Next Ambassador to D.C.?
Mediterraneo Globale: La nuova lotta per il potere in Libia
Politica Estera - The Italian Compass - #7/2025
Politica Estera - Bar Italia - #9/2025
Politica Estera - Scriptorium Italiae #2/2025